ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
By Francis H. Lincoln.
(Pages 1-)
First Parish.
The first church in Hingham was formed in September, 1635. Rev. Peter Hobart, of Hingham, in Norfolk, England, came to Charlestown in June, 1635. Mr. Hobart was educated at Magdalene College, Cambridge, where he was graduated in 1625. He declined the invitations of several settlements to become their pastor, preferring to join that at Bare Cove, where many of his fellow-townsmen in the old country were already established. On the second of September, 1635, the name of Bare Cove was changed to Hingham; and on the eighteenth of the same month Mr. Hobart and twenty-nine others drew for house-lots. Here Mr. Hobart gathered the church which was the twelfth in order of time in Massachusetts proper.
Vol. I. -- 1*
During the few years immediately succeeding 1635 settlers came in quite respectable numbers to Hingham; and there is every reason to suppose the church was in a prosperous condition.
Nov. 28, 1638, Mr. Robert Peck was ordained Teacher of the church. In the "Peck Genealogy'' by lra G. Peck, we find the following account of him:--
"Rev. Robert Peck was born at Beccles, Suffolk, County, England in 1580. He was graduated at Magdalene College, Cambridge; the degree of A. B. was conferred upon him in 1599 and that of A. M. in l 603. He was set apart to the ministry, and inducted over the church at Hingham, Norfolk County, England, Jan. 8, 1605, where he remained until 1638, when he fled from the persecutions of the church to this country."
He was a talented and influential clergyman, a zealous preacher, and a non-conformist to the superstitions, ceremonies, and corruptions of the church, for which he was persecuted and driven from the country. Brook, in his "Lives of the Puritans," gives many facts of interest in relation to him. In particular, giving some of the offences for which he and his followers were persecuted he says: --
"For having catechized his family, and sung a psalm in his own house on a Lord's day evening, when some of his neighbors attended, his lordship (Bishop Harsnet) enjoined all who were present to do penance, requiring them to say, 'I confess my errors,' etc."
Those who refused were immediately excommunicated and required to pay heavy costs. This, Mr. Brook says, appears from the bishop's manuscripts under his own hands. He says: "He was driven from his flock, deprived of his benefice, and forced to seek his bread in a foreign land."
He arrived here in 1638. 1n. relation to his arrival the town clerk of Hingham here says: --
"Mr. Robert Peck, preacher of the gospel in the town of Hingham in the county of Norfolk, old England with his wife and two children and two servants, came over the sea and settled in the town of Hingham; and he was a Teacher of the Church."
Mr. Hobart, of Hingham, says in his Diary that he was ordained here Teacher of the church, Nov. 28, 1638. His name frequently appears upon the records of the town. He had lands granted him. His family consisted of nine children. He remained here until the long Parliament, or until the persecutions in England ceased, when he returned and resumed his rectorship at Hingham. Mr. Hobart says he returned Oct. 27, 1641. He died at Hingham, England, and was buried in his churchyard there.
Cotton Mather, in his "Magnolia Christi Americana" has the following: --
"Mr. Robert Peck. -- This light, having been by the persecuting prelates 'put under a bushel,' was, by the good providence of Heaven, fetched away into New England, about the year 1638, where the good people of our Hingham did 'rejoice in the light for a season.' But within two or three years the invitation of his friends at Hingham in England persuaded him to a return unto them; where being, though a great person for stature, yet a greater for spirit, he was greatly serviceable for the good of the church."
In "Blomefield's Norfolk" is the following:--
"1605, 7 Jan. Robert Peck, A.M. Tho. Moor; by grant of Francis Lovell, Knt., he was 'a man of a very violent schismatical spirit; he pulled down the rails and levelled the altar and the whole chancel a foot below the church, as it remains to this day; but being prosecuted for it by Bishop Wren, he fled the kingdom and went over into New-England, with many of his parishioners, who sold their estates for half their value, and conveyed all their effects to that new plantation, erected a town and colonie, by the name of HINGHAM, where many of their posterity are still remaining. He promised never to desert them; but hearing that Bishops were deposed, he left them all to shift for themselves, and came back to Hingham in the year 1646. After 10 years' voluntary banishment he resumed his rectory, and died in the year 1656.' His funeral sermon was preached by Nathaniel Joceline, A.M., pastor of the church of Hardingham, and was published by him, being dedicated to Mr. John Sidley, high-sheriff; Brampton-Gurdon and Mr. Day, justices of the peace; Mr. Church, Mr. Barnham, and Mr. Man, aldermen and justices in the city of Norwich.
"1638, 25 May. Luke Skippon, A.M., was presented by Sir Thomas Woodhouse, Knt. and Bart., as on Peck's death, he having been absent about two years. And in--
"1640, 11 April, the said Luke was reinstituted, the living being void by lapse, it appearing that Peck was alive since Skippon's first institution; and now two years more being past, and he not appearing, it lapsed to the Crown. as on Peck's death. But in--
"1646, Peck came again, and held it to his death."
A controversy which seriously affected the harmony of the church and town arose in 1644. The cause was insignificant in comparison with the principles it involved. Anthony Eames, who had been Lieutenant, was chosen Captain of the company of militia, and was presented to be commissioned by the Council. Before this was accomplished, dissatisfaction arose, and Bozoan Allen was selected. "Winthrop's Journal" gives a long account of the affair, which is quoted at length in Lincoln's "History of Hingham." Mr. Lincoln's comments are valuable, and he leaves nothing new to be gleaned. The writer of this chapter, with a filial respect for the opinions and industrious research of one whose interest in this town and its history were unceasing, prefers to insert the narrative as given by him rather than to attempt any description of his own.
It does not appear that the harmony of the church or the prosperity of the town was interrupted until the year when the unfortunate occurrence of the military difficulties caused a serious injury to both. The prominent part which Mr. Hobart took in this unpleasant controversy rendered him less popular at home and obnoxious to the government. His friends, however, were much the most numerous and influential party in the church; and his conduct in relation to the minority, although it gave rise to some jealousy, and in a few instances to strong dislike, does not appear to have diminished the attachment which a majority of the citizens had uniformly exhibited towards him. From the severe and burthensome fines and expenses to which he was subjected in consequence of his zeal for popular rights, he appears to have been relieved by the liberality of the people of his charge.
Previously to the difficulties of 1644, we have reason to suppose that the town was flourishing and prosperous. The situation was eligible; the facilities for fishing and for intercourse with other towns by water contributed to enrich it. In 1654 it is described by Johnson, in his "Wonder-Working Providence," in the following manner, viz.: --
"A place nothing inferiour to their Neighbours for scituation; and the people have much profited themselves by transporting Timber, Planke, and Mast for shipping to the town of Boston; as also ceder and Pineboard to supply the wants of other townes, and also to remote parts, even as far as Barbadoes. They want not for fish for themselves and others also. This towne consisted of about sixty families. The forme is somewhat intricate to describe, by reason of the Seas wasting crookes where it beats upon a mouldering shore. Yet have they compleat streetes in some places. The people joyned in C hurch covenant in this place were much about an hundred soules, but have been lessened by a sad, unbrotherly contention which fell out among them, wasting them every way -- continued already for seven yeares' space, to the great grief of all other Churches."
It is this "sad unbrotherly contention" which first attracts our attention in the early history of Hingham. It is to be regretted that most of the writers of the time when these difficulties arose should have been of that class which disapproved of the proceedings of a majority of the citizens of the town, and that no statement by those opposed to them in opinion has been preserved; because, by comparing opposite statements, we should perhaps view the conduct of those of our ancestors who were then considered to be acting in an unjustifiable and disorderly manner, as the result of principles more consonant to the spirit of the present age than to the feelings of men at the time when they lived.
I am aware, however, that there is justice in the remark of the learned editor of Winthrop, when, in speaking of Governor Winthrop's account of these affairs, he says, "An unusual fairness for a party whose feelings had been so much engaged in the controversy is here shown by our author." These difficulties originated among the members of the military company, gradually enlisted the feelings of the whole town, arrested the attention of the church, were taken cognizance of by the neighbouring churches, and at last required the interposition of the government. A sketch of the rise, progress, and termination of these difficulties will illustrate the principles of our fathers, and give some indication of the spirit and asperity of controversies when the prejudices of religion and of politics were unfortunately blended together. Winthrop, in his Journal, vol. ii. p. 221, introduces the subject as follows:--
"1645. This court fell out a troublesome business which took up much time. The town of Hingham, having one Emes their lieutenant seven or eight years, had lately chosen him to be their captain, and had presented him to the standing council for allowance; but before it was accomplished, the greater part of the town took some light occasion of offence against him, and chose one Allen to be their captain, and presented him to the magistrates (in the time of the last general court) to be allowed. But the magistrates, considering the injury that would hereby accrue to Emes (who had been their chief commander so many years, and had deserved well in his place, and that Allen had no other skill but what he learned from Emes), refused to allow of Allen, but willed both sides to return home, and every officer to keep his place until the court should take further order. Upon their return home, the messengers, who came for Allen, called a private meeting of those of their own party, and told them truly what answer they received from the magistrates, and soon after they appointed a training day (without their lieutenant's knowledge), and being assembled, the lieutenant hearing of it came to them, and would have exercised them, as he was wont to do, but those of the other party refused to follow him, except he would show them some order for it. He told them of the magistrates' order about it; the others replied that authority had advised him to go home and lay down his place honourably. Another asked, what the magistrates had to do with them? Another, that It was but three or four of the magistrates, and if they had all been there, it had been nothing, for Mr. Allen had hrought more for them from the deputies, than the lieutenant had from the magistrates. Another of them professeth he will die at the sword's point, if he might not have the choice of his own officers. Another (viz. the clerk of the band) stands up above the people, and requires them to vote, whether they would bear them out in what was past and what was to come. This being assented unto, and the tumult continuing, one of the officers (he who had told them that authority had advised the lieutenant to go home and lay down his place) required Allen to take the captain's place; but he not then accepting it, they put it to the vote, whether he should be their captain. The vote passing for it, he then told the company, it was now past question, and thereupon Allen accepted it, and exercised the company two or three days, only about a third part of them followed the lieutenant. He, having denied in the open field, that authority had advised him to lay down his place, and putting (in some sort) the lie upon those who had so reported, was the next Lord's day called to answer it before the church, and he standing to maintain what he had said, five witnesses were produced to convince him. Some of them affirmed the words, the others explained their meaning to be, that one magistrate had so advised him. He denied both. Whereupon the pastor, one Mr. Hubbert, (brother to three of the principal in this sedition), was very forward to have excommunicated the lieutenant presently, but, upon some opposition, it was put off to the next day. Thereupon the lieutenant and some three or four more of the chief men of the town informed four of the next magistrates of these proceedings, who forthwith met at Boston about it, (viz. the deputy governour, the sergeant major general, the secretary, and Mr. Hibbins). These, considering the case, sent warrant to the constable to attach some of the principal offenders (viz. three of the Hubbards and two more) to appear before them at Boston, to find sureties for their appearance at the next court, &c. Upon the day they came to Boston, but their said brother the minister came before them, and fell to expostulate with the said magistrates about the said cause, complaining against the complainants, as talebearers, &c., taking it very disdainfully that his brethren should be sent for by a constable, with other high speeches, which were so provoking, as some of the magistrates told him, that were it not for the respect to his ministry, they would commit him. When his brethren and the rest were come in, the matters of the information were laid to their charge, which they denied for the most part. So they were bound over (each for other) to the next court of assistants. After this five others were sent for by summons (these were only for speaking untruths of the magistrates in the church). They came before the deputy governour, when he was alone, and demanded the cause of their sending for, and to know their accusers. The deputy told them so much of the cause as he could remember, and referred them to the secretary for a copy, and for their accusers he told them they knew both the men and the matter, neither was a judge bound to let a criminal offender know his accusers before the day of trial, but only in his own discretion, least the accuser might be taken off or perverted, &c. Being required to give bond for their appearance, &c., they refused. The deputy laboured to let them see their errour, and gave them time to consider of it. About fourteen days after, seeing two of them in the court, (which was kept by those four magistrates for smaller causes), the deputy required them again to enter bond for their appearance, &c., and upon their second refusal committed them in that open court.
"The general court falling out before the court of assistants, the Hubberts and the two which were committed, and others of Hingham, about ninety (whereof Mr. Hubbert their minister was the first), presented a petition to the general court, to this effect, that whereas some of them had been bound over, and others committed by some of the magistrates for words spoken concerning the power of the general court, and their liberties, and the liberties of the church, &c., they craved that the court would hear the cause, &c. This was first presented to the deputies, who sent it to thc magistrates, desiring their concurrence with them, that the cause might be heard, &c. The magistrates, marvelling that they would grant such a petition without desiring conference first with themselves, whom it so much concerned, returned answer, that they were willing the cause should be heard, so as the petitioners would name the magistrates whom they intended, and the matters they would lay to their charge, &c. Upon this the deputies demanded of the petitioners' agents (who were then deputies of the court) to have satisfaction in those points, whereupon they singled out the deputy governour, and two of the petitioners undertook the prosecution. Then the petition was returned again to the magistrates for their consent, &c., who being desirous that the deputies might take notice, how prejudicial to authority and the honour of the court it would be to call a magistrate to answer criminally in a cause, wherein nothing of that nature could be laid to his charge, and that without any private examination preceding, did intimate so much to the deputies, (though not directly, yet plainly enough), showing them that nothing criminal &c. was laid to his charge, and that the things objected to were the act of the court &c. yet if they would needs have a hearing, they would join in it. And indeed it was the desire of the deputy, (knowing well how much himself and the other magistrates did suffer in the cause, through the slanderous reports wherewith the deputies and the country about had been possessed), that the cause might receive a public hearing.
"The day appointed being come, the court assembled in the meeting house at Boston. Divers of the elders were present, and a great assembly of people. The deputy governour, coming in with the rest of the magistrates, placed himself beneath within the bar, and so sate uncovered. Some question was in court about his being in that place (for many both of the court and the assembly were grieved at it). But the deputy telling them, that, being criminally accused, he might not sit as judge in that cause, and if he were upon the bench, it would be a great disadvantage to him, for he could not take that liberty, to plead the cause, which he ought to be allowed at the bar, upon this the court was satisfied.
"The petitioners having declared their grievances &c. the deputy craved leave to make answer, which was to this effect, viz. that he accounted it no disgrace, but rather an hononr put upon him, to be singled out from his brethren in the defence of a cause so just (as he hoped to make that appear) and of so publick concernment. And although he might have pleaded to the petition, and so have demurred in law, upon three points, 1. in that there is nothing laid to his charge, that is either criminal or unjust; 2. if he had been mistaken either in the law or in the state of the case, yet whether it were such as a judge is to be called in question for as a delinquent, when it doth not appear to be wickedness or wilfulness; for in England many erroneous judgments are reversed, and errours in proecedings rectified, and yet the judges not called in question about them; 3. in that being thus singled out from three other of the magistrates, and to answer by himself for some things, which were the act of a court, he is deprived of the just means of his defence, for many things may be justified as done by four, which are not warrantable if done by one alone, and the records of a court are a full justification of any act, while such record stands in force. But he was willing to waive this plea, and to make answer to the particular charges, to the end that the truth of the case, and of all proceedings thereupon might appear to all men.
"Hereupon the court proceeded to examine the whole cause. The deputy justified all the particulars laid to his charge, as that upon credible information of such a mutinous practice, and open disturbance of the peace, and slighting of authority, the offenders were sent for, the principal by warrant to the constable to bring them, and others by summons, and that some were bound over to the next court of assistants, and others that refused to be bound were committed; and all this according to the equity of the laws here established, and the custom and laws of England, and our constant practice here these fifteen years. And for some speeches he was charged with as spoken to the delinquents, when they came before him at his house, when none were present with him but themselves, first, he appealed to the judgment of the court, whether delinquents may be received as competent witnesses against a magistrate in such a case; then, for the words themselves, some he justified, some he explained so as no advantage could be taken of them, as that he should say, that the magistrates could try some criminal causes without a jury, that he knew no law of God or man, which required a judge to make known to the party his accusers (or rather witnesses) before the cause came to hearing. But two of them charged him to have said that it was against the law of God and man so to do, which had been absurd, for the deputy professed he knew no law against it, only a judge may sometimes, in discretion, conceal their names &c. least they should be tampered with, or conveyed out of the way &c.
"Two of the magistrates and many of the deputies were of opinion that the magistrates exercised too much power, and that the people's liberty was thereby in danger; and other of the deputies (being about half) and all the rest of the magistrates were of a different judgment, and that authority was overmuch slighted, which, if not timely remedied, would endanger the commonwealth, and bring us to a mere democracy. By occasion of this difference, there was not so orderly carriage at the hearing, as was meet, each side striving unseasonably to enforce the evidence, and declaring their judgments thereupon, which should have been reserved to a more private debate (as after it was), so as the best part of two days was spent in this publick agitation and examination of witnesses &c. This being ended, a committee was chosen of magistrates and deputies, who stated the case, as it appeared upon the whole pleading and evidence, though it cost much time, and with great difficulty did the committee come to accord upon it.
"The case being stated and agreed, the magistrates and deputies considered it apart, first the deputies, having spent a whole day and not attaining to any issue, sent up to the magistrates to have their thoughts about it, who taking it into consideration, (the deputy always withdrawing when that matter came into debate), agreed upon these four points chiefly; 1. that the petition was false and scandalous, 2. that those who were bound over &c. and others that were parties to the disturbance at Hingham, were all offenders, though in different degrees, 3. that they and the petitioners were to be censured, 4. that the deputy governour ought to be acquit and righted &c. This being sent down to the deputies, they spent divers days about it, and made two or three returns to the magistrates, and though they found the petition false and scandalous, and so voted it, yet they would not agree to any censure. The magistrates, on the other side, were resolved for censure, and for the deputy's full acquittal. The deputies being thus hard held to it, and growing weary of the court, for it began (3) 14, and brake not up (save one week) till (5) 5, were content they should pay the charges of the court. After, they were drawn to consent to some small fines but in this they would have drawn in lieutenant Emes to have been fined deeply, he being neither plaintiff nor defendant, but an informer only, and had made good all the points of his information, and no offence found in him, other than that which was after adjudged worthy of admonition only; and they would have imposed the charges of the court upon the whole trained band at Hingham, when it was apparent, that divers were innocent, and had no hand in any of these proceedings. The magistrates not consenting to so manifest injustice, they sent to the deputies to desire them to join with them in calling in the help of the elders, (for they were now assembled at Cambridge from all parts of the United Colonies, and divers of them were present when the cause was publickly heard, and declared themselves much grieved to see that the deputy governour should be called forth to answer as a delinquent in such a case as this was, and one of them, in the name of the rest, had written to him to that effect, fearing lest he should apprehend over deeply of the injury &c.) but the deputies would by no means consent thereto, for they knew that many of the elders understood the cause, and were more careful to uphold the honour and power of the magistrates than themselves well liked of, and many of them (at the request of the elder and others of the church of Hingham during this court) had been at Hingham, to see if they could settle peace in the church there, and found the chief and others the petitioners in great fault &c. After this (upon motion of the deputies) it was agreed to refer the cause to arbitrators, according to an order of the court, when the magistrates and deputies cannot agree &c. The magistrates named six of the elders of the next towns, and left it to them to choose any three or four of them, and required them to name six others. The deputies finding themselves now at the wall, and not daring to trust the elders with the cause, they sent to desire that six of themselves might come and confer with the magistrates, which being granted, they came, and at last came to this agreement, viz. the chief petitioners and the rest of the offenders were severally fined, (all their fines not amounting to 50 pounds), the rest of the petitioners to bear equal share to 50 pounds more towards the charges of the court, (two of the principal offenders were the deputies of the town, Joshua Hubbert and Bozone Allen, the first was fined 20 pounds, and the other 5 pounds), lieutenant Emes to be under admonition, the deputy governour to be legally and publickly acquit of all that was laid to his charge.
"According to this agreement, (5) 3, presently after the lecture the magistrates and deputies took their places in the meeting house, and the people being come together, and the deputy governour placing himself within the bar, as at the time of the hearing &c. the governour read the sentence of the court, without speaking any more, for the deputies had (by importunity) obtained a promise of silence from the magistrates. Then was the deputy governour desired by the court to go up and take his place again upon the bench, which he did accordingly, and the court being about to arise, he desired leave for a little speech, which was to this effect.
"'I suppose something may be expected from me, upon this charge that is befallen me, which moves me to speak now to you; yet I intend not to intermeddle in the proceedings of the court, or with any of the persons concerned therein. Only I bless God, that I see an issue of this troublesome business. I also acknowledge the justice of the court, and, for mine own part, I am well satisfied, I was publickly charged, and I am publickly and legally acquitted, which is all I did expect or desire. And though this be sufficient for my justification before men, yet not so before the God, who hath seen so much amiss in my dispensations (and even in this affair) as calls me to be humble. For to be publickly and criminally charged in this court, is matter of humiliation, (and I desire to make a right use of it), notwithstanding I be thus acquitted. If her father had spirit in her face, (saith the Lord concerning Miriam), should she not have been ashamed seven days? Shame had lien upon her, whatever the occasion had been. I am unwilling to stay you from your urgent affairs, yet give me leave (upon this special occasion) to speak a little more to this assembly. It may be of some good use, to inform and rectify the judgments of some of the people, and may prevent such distempers as have arisen amongst us. The great questions that have troubled the country, are about the authority of the magistrates and the liberty of the people. It is yourselves who have called us to this office, and being called by you, we have our authority from God, in way of an ordinance, such as hath the image of God eminently stamped upon it, the contempt and violation whereof hath been vindicated with examples of divine vengeance. I entreat you to consider, that when you choose magistrates, you take them from among yourselves, men subject to like passions as you are. Therefore when you see infirmities in us, you should reflect upon your own, and that would make you bear more with us, and not be severe censurers of the failings of your magistrates, when you have continual experience of the like infirmities in yourselves and others. We account him a good servant, who breaks not his covenant. The covenant between you and us is the oath you have taken of us, which is to this purpose, that we shall govern you and judge your causes by the rules of God's laws and our own, according to our best skill. When you agree with a workman to build you a ship or house &c. he undertakes as well for his skill as for his faithfhlness, for it is his profession, and you pay him for both. But when you call one to be a magistrate, he doth not profess nor undertake to have sufficient skill for that office, nor can you furnish him with gifts &c. therefore you must run the hazard of his skill and ability. But if he fail in faithfulness, which by his oath he is bound unto, that he must answer for. If it fall out that the case be clear to common apprehension, and the rule clear also, if he transgresses here, the errour is not in the skill, but in the evil of the will; it must be required of him. But if the cause be doubtful, or the rule doubtful, to men of such understanding and parts as your magistrates are, if your magistrates should err here, yourselves must bear it.
"'For the other point concerning liberty, I observe a great mistake in the country about that. There is a twofold liberty, natural (I mean as our nature is now corrupt) and civil or federal. The first is common to men with beasts and other creatures. By this, man, as he stands in relation to man simply, hath liberty to do what he lists; it is a liberty to evil as well as to good. This liberty is incompatible and inconsistent with authority and cannot endure the least restraint of the most just authority. The exercise and maintaining of this liberty makes men grow more evil, and in time to be worse than brute beasts; omnes sumus licentia deteriores. That is that great enemy of truth and peace, that wild beat, which all the ordinances of God are bent against, to restrain and subdue it. The other kind of liberty I call civil or federal, it may also be termed moral, in reference to the covenant between God and man, in the moral law, and the politic covenants and constitutions amongst men themselves. This liberty is the proper end and object of authority, and cannot subsist without it; and it is a liberty to that only which is good, just, and honest. This liberty you are to stand for, with the hazard (not only of your goods, but) of your lives, if need be. Whatsoever crosseth this, is not authority, but a distemper thereof. This liberty is maintained and exercised in a way of subjection to authority; it is o f the same kind of liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free. The woman's own choice makes such a man her husband; yet being so chosen, he is her lord, and she is to be subject to him, yet in a way of liberty, not of bondage; and a true wife accounts her subjection her honour and freedom, and would not think her condition safe and free, but in her subjection to her husband's authority. Such is the liberty of the church under the authority of Christ, her king and husband; his yoke is easy and sweet to her as a bride's ornaments; and if through forwardness or wantonness &c. she shake it off, at any time, she is at not rest in her spirit, until she take it up again; and whether her lord smiles upon her, and embraceth her in his arms, or whether he frowns, or rebukes, or smites her, she apprehends the sweetness of his love in all, and is refreshed, supported, and instructed by every such dispensation of his authority over her. On the other side, ye know who they are that complain of this yoke and say, let us break their bands &c. we will not have this man to rule over us. Even so, brethren, it will be between you and your magistrates. If you stand for your natural corrupt liberties, and will do what is good in your own eyes, you will not endure the least weight of authority, but will murmur, and oppose, and be always striving to shake off that yoke; but if you will be satisfied to enjoy such civil and lawful liberties, such as Christ allows you, then will you quietly and cheerfully submit unto that authority which is set over you, in all the administrations of it, for your good. Wherein, if we fail at any time, we hope we shall be willing (by God's assistance) to hearken to good advice from any of you, or in any other way of God; so shall your liberties be preserved, in upholding the honour and power of authority amongst you.'"
The following notes of the proceedings of the deputies and magistrates in relation to this affair were collected by Mr. Savage and published in his edition of Winthrop:--
"The first order of the magistrates is as follows: 'Fined the persons after named in such sums as hereafter are expressed, having been as moderate and gone as low as they any ways could with the holding up of authority in any measure, and the maintenance of justice, desiring the concurrence of the deputies herein, that at length an end may be put to this 1ong and tedious business.
Joshua Hubbard is fined . . . . . . . . £20 00 00 Edmond Hubbard . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 00 00 Thomas Hubbard . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 00 O0 Edmond Gold . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 O0 O0 John Faulshame . . . . . . . . . . . . .20 O0 O0 John Towers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 00 00 Daniel Cushin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 10 00 William Hersey . . . . . . . . . . . . .10 00 00 Mr. Bozon Allen . . . . . . . . . . . . .10 00 00 Mr. Peter Hubbard, the first that subscribed the petition . 2 00 00All the rest of the petitioners being fined 81, out of which number are excepted three; viz., Mr. Peter Hubbard, John Foulshame, and John Towers. The rest, making 78, are fined 20 shillings a piece, the sum of which is -- £155 10.
"'We have also voted, that, according to the order of the general court, for so long time as their cause hath been in handling, the petitioners shall bear the charge of the general court, the sum of which costs is to be cast up and agreed by the court when the cause is finished.'
"'The House of Deputies, having issued the Hingham business before the judgment of our honoured magistrates upon the case came down, they have hereunder expressed their determinate censures upon such as they find delinquent in the case; viz.,--
Joshua Hubbard is fined . . . . . . . . £20 00 00} Anthony Eames . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 00 00} Thomas Hubbard . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 00 00} Edmond Hubbard . . . . . . . . . . . . .10 00 00} Daniel Cushan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 00 00} £50 William Hersey . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 00 00} Mr. Allen, } beside his proportion with the trainband 1 00 00} Edmond Gold . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 00 00}"'The rest of the trainband of Hingham, that have an equal vote allowed them by law for the choice of their military officers, are fined 55 puunds, to be paid by equal proportion; the which said sums of 50 and 55 pounds are laid upon the said delinquents for the satisfying of the charge of the court occasioned by the hearing of the cause, in case the said charge shall arise to the sum of 105 pounds. The deputies desire the consent of the magistrates herein.'
"Several discordant votes passed each branch before the business was brought to its close."
After giving an account of the proceedings of the court, Winthrop remarks as follows:--
"I should have mentioned the Hingham case, what care and pains many of the elders had taken to reconcile the differences which were grown in that church. Mr. Hubbert, the pastor there, being of a Presbyterial spirit, did manage all affairs without the church's advice; which divers of the congregation not liking of, they were divided in two parts. Lieutenant Emes. &c., having complained to the magistrates, as is before expressed, Mr. Hubbert, &c., would have cast him out of the church, pretending that he told a lie; whereupon they procured the elders to write to the church, and so did some of the magistrates also; whereupon they stayed proceeding against the lieutenant for a day or two. But he and some twelve more of them, perceiving he was resolved to proceed, and finding no way of reconciliation, they withdrew from the church, and openly declared it in the congregation. This course the elders did not approve of. But being present in the court when their petition against the deputy governour was heard, Mr. Hubbert, perceiving the cause was like to go against him and his party, desired the elders to go to Hingham to mediate a reconciliation (which he would never hearken to before, being earnestly sought by the other party and offered by the elders) in the interim of the court's adjournment for one week. They readily accepted the motion, and went to Hingham and spent two or three days there, and found the pastor and his party in great fault, but could not bring him to any acknowledgment. In their return by water they were kept twenty-four hours in the boat, and were in great danger by occasion of a tempest which arose in the night; but the Lord preserved them."
But the difficulties did not terminate here. The authority of government was resisted when the marshal attempted to levy the fines imposed on the petitioners. The following is Winthrop's account of the matter:--
"1646, 26. (I.) ] The governour and council met at Boston to take order about a rescue which they were informed of to have been committed at Hingham upon the marshal, when he went to levy the fines imposed upon Mr. Hubberd their pastor and many others who joined with him in the pe tition against the magistrates, &c. And having taken the information of the marshal and others, they sent out summons for their appearance at another day; at which time Mr. Hubberd came not, nor sent any excuse, though it was proved that he was at home and that the summons was left at his house. Whereupon he was sent for by attachment directed to the constable, who brought him at the day of the return. And being then charged with joining in the said rescue by animating the offenders and discouraging the officer, questioning the authority of his warrant because it was not in the king's name, and standing upon his allegiance to the crown of England and exemption from such laws as were not agreeable to the laws of England, saying to the marshal that he could never know wherefore he was fined, except it were for petitioning, and, if they were so waspish that they might not be petitioned, he knew not what to say to it, &c. -- all the answer he would give was, that, if he had broken any wholesome law not repugnant to the laws of England, he was ready to submit to censure. So he was bound over to the next court of assistants.
"The court being at Boston, Mr. Hubberd appeared, and the marshal's information and other concurrent testimony being read to him and his answer demanded, he desired to know in what state he stood, and what offence he should be charged with, or what wholesome law of the land, not repugnant to the law of England, he had broken. The court told him that the matters he was charged with amounted to a seditious practice, and derogation and contempt of authority. He still pressed to know what law, &c. He was told that the oath which he had taken was a law to him; and, besides, the law of God, which we were to judge by in case of a defect of an express law. He said that the law of God admitted various interpretations, &c. Then he desired to see his accusers. Upon that the marshal was called, who justified his information. Then he desired to be tried by a jury, and to have the witnesses produced viva voce. The secretary told him that two were present and the third was sworn to his examination (but in that he was mistaken, for he had not been sworn); but to satisfy him he was sent for and sworn in court. The matters testified against him were his speeches to the marshal before thirty persons against our authority and government, &c. 1. That we were but as a corporation in England; 2. That by our patent (as he understood it), we could not put any man to death, nor do divers other things which we did; 3. That he knew not wherefore the general court had fined them, except it were for petitioning; and if they were so waspish (or captious) as they might not be petitioned, &c. -- and other speeches tending to disparage our authority and proceedings. Accordingly a bill was drawn up, &c., and the jury found that he seemed to be ill affected to this government, and that his speeches tended to sedition and contempt of authority. Whereupon the whole court (except Mr. Bellingham, who judged him to deserve no censure, and desired in open court to have his dissent recorded) adjudged him to pay 20 pounds fine, and to be bound to his good behaviour till the next court of assistants, and then farther if the court should see cause. At this sentence his spirit rose, and he would know what the good behaviour was, and desired the names of the jury and a copy of all the proceedings, which was granted him; and so he was dismissed at present."
In 1646 the celebrated petition of Dr. Child and six others for the abolition of "the distinctions which were maintained here, both in civil and church estate," and that the people of this country might be wholly governed by the laws of England, was presented to the House of Deputies. Six of the petitioners were cited before the court and charged with great offences contained in this petition. They appealed to the Parliament of England, and offered security to abide by their sentence; but the court thought proper to sentence the offenders to fine and imprisonment. The petitioners then resolved to lay their case before Parliament; and Dr. Child, Mr. Vassall, and Mr. Fowle went to England for that purpose.1 But it appears that they met with very ill success in their exertions. Their papers were published at London by Major John Child, brother of Dr. Robert Child, in a tract entitled "New England's Jonas Cast up at London," in allusion, probably, to the remark of Mr. Cotton in one of his sermons," that, if any shall carry any writings or complaints against the people of God in this country to England, it would be as Jonas in the ship." This tract was answered by Mr. Winslow, who was then in England, in another tract, entitled "The Salamander," "wherein," says Winthrop, "he cleared the justice of the proceedings" of the government here.
1 An amusing account of the superstitious terror of some of the passengers in the vessel in which the petitioners went to En gland, and of the ill success of their petition, may be found in Neal's "History of New England."
I introduced this notice of the petition of Dr. Child and others for the purpose of correcting an error into which Hutchinson and Neal have fallen in confounding this controversy with that of our military dispute which created so much excitement in the country. It is proper to mention, however, that Mr. Hobart was suspected of "having a hand in it," and consequently was obliged to suffer another of the mortifications to which the relentless spirit of persecution had subjected him. I give, however, Winthrop's account in his own words:--
"In 1646. (9). 4. ] This court the business of Gorton, &c., and of the petitioners Dr. Child, &c., were taken into consideration, and it was thought needful to send some able men to England, with commission and instructions to satisfy the commissioners for plantations about those complaints; and because it was a matter of so great and general concernment, such of the elders as could he had were sent for, to have their advice in the matter. Mr. Hubbard, of Hingham, came with the rest; but the court, being informed that he had an hand in a petition which Mr. Vassall carried into England against the country in general, the governour propounded that if any elder present had any such hand, &c., he would withdraw himself. Mr. Hubbard sitting still a good space, and no man speaking, one of the deputies informed the court that Mr. Hubbard was the man suspected; whereupon he rose and said that he knew nothing of any such petition. The governour replied, that, seeing he was now named, he must needs deliver his mind about him: which was, that, although they had no proof present about the matter of the petition, and therefore his denial was a sufficient clearing, &c., yet in regard he had so much opposed authority and offered such contempt to it, as for which he had been lately bound to his good behaviour, he thought he would (in discretion) withdraw himself, &c., whereupon he went out. Then the governour put the court in mind of a great miscarriage, in that our secretest counsels were presently known abroad, which could not be but by some among ourselves, and desired them to look at it as a matter of great unfaithfulness, and that our present consultations might be kept in the breast of the court, and not be divulged abroad, as others had been."
Winthrop then remarks upon a special providence of God (as he terms it), in which he takes it for granted that Mr. Hobart, the people of Hingham, and Dr. Child entertained similar views, if they did not openly combine their efforts to promote them.
"I must here observe a special providence of God, pointing out his displeasure against some profane persons who took part with Dr. Child, &c., against the government and churches here. The court had appointed a general fast, to seek God (as for some other occasions, so) in the trouble which threatened us by the petitioners, &c. The pastor of Hingham, and others of his church (being of their party), made light of it, and some said they would not fast against Dr. Child and against themselves; and there were two of them (one Pitt and Johnson) who, having a great raft of masts and planks (worth forty or fifty pounds) to tow to Boston, would needs set forth about noon the day before (it being impossible they could get to Boston before the fast; but when they came at Castle Island there arose such a tempest, as carried away their raft, and forced them to cut their mast to save their lives. Some of their masts and planks they recovered after, where it had been cast on shore; but when they came with it to the Castle, they were forced back again, and were so oft put back with contrary winds, &c., as it was above a month before they could bring all the remainder to Boston."
The editor of Winthrop in noticing these remarks very justly observes, that "unless we be always careful to consider the cause of any special providence, we may fail in our views of the displeasure of God;" and notices the fact that the clergy, when they came to this town to reduce the church members to sobriety, were kept twenty-four hours in the boat, and were in great danger by occasion of a tempest."
The last time at which Mr. Hobart was made to feel the displeasure of the government was in 1647. Winthrop mentions it in the following manner:--
"4. (6). There was a great marriage to be solemnized at Boston. The bridegroom being of Hingham, Mr. Hubbard's church, he was procured to preach, and came to Boston to that end. But the magistrates, hearing of it, sent to him to forbear. The reasons were, 1. for that his spirit had been discovered to be adverse to our ecclesiastical and civil government, and he was a bold man, and would speak his mind, 2. we were not willing to bring in the English custom of ministers performing the solemnity of marriage, which sermons at such times might induce, but if any minister were present, and would bestow a word of exhortation, &c., it was permitted."
I have thus gleaned from Winthrop all the facts which his valuable journal contains, relating in any manner to the military difficulties in this town, and to the conduct of the most prominent individuals concerned in them.
The dispassionate reader, while he will give to Winthrop all the credit to which his impartiality entitles him, cannot fail to discover some circumstances which tend to extenuate the criminality of the conduct of a large and respectable portion of the inhabitants of this town. The convictions which the deputy governor entertained of the disorderly and seditious course of Mr. Hobart and his friends were deep and strong; and in some instances his conduct indicated anything but a charitable spirit towards those whose principal error (if any) consisted in their attachment to more liberal views of government than those generally entertained at that time.
Winthrop acknowledges, that "the great questions that troubled the country were about the authority of the magistrates and the liberty of the people." "Two of the magistrates and many of the deputies," esteemed for piety, prudence, and justice, "were of opinion that the magistrates exercised too much power, and that the people's liberty was thereby in danger," and the tendency of their principles and conduct was (in the opinion of the deputy governor), to have brought the commonwealth "to a mere democracy."
Thus we learn that one of the military company here professed "he would die at the sword's point, if he might not have the choice of his own officers." Some of the principles and privileges for which our fathers contended, were undoubtedly too liberal and republican for the spirit of the age in which they lived. They were, perhaps, injudicious and indiscreet in their endeavors to promote their views; and probably in some instances might not have expressed that respect for the constituted authorities to which their character entitled them. The most superficial reader, however, may discover in the conduct of the deputy governor something of the spirit of bigotry which was, unfortunately, too often allowed to affect the judgments of the wisest and best of men at that time, and which operated very much to the injury of those who entertained more liberal opinions in politics and religion. The deputies, although conscious of the disorder which such principles might cause in the community, did not feel so strong a disregard of the motives of the people of Hingham, which impelled them to the course which they pursued, as to induce them to consent to impose on them heavy fines, without great reluctance.
The deputy governor appears to have been very sensitive on the subject of innovations upon the authority of government, and strongly bent, not only upon punishing, but desirous of publicly disgracing the "profane" people of Hingham. He seems to have "engulphed Bible, Testament, and all, into the common law," as authority for the severe measures which were taken to mortify their feelings and to check the spread of principles so democratic in their tendency, and so dangerous to the interests of the commonwealth. Accordingly, we find that the magistrates sent to Mr. Hobart to forbear delivering a discourse on the occasion of the marriage of one of his church, at Boston, among other reasons, " because he was a bold man, and would speak his mind."
The effect of this controversy does not appear to have been ultimately injurious to the most conspicuous individuals engaged in it. Mr. Hobart, the pastor of Hingham, enjoyed the esteem of his people, and as has been before remarked, was relieved from the severe penalties which he incurred, by the liberality of the people of the town. His brother Joshua was afterwards frequently a deputy, and in 1674 he was honored by an election to the office of Speaker to the House of Deputies.
It is to be admitted that the excitement necessarily caused by the agitation of this business served to retard the growth and prosperity of the town; and while the effects of the displeasure of the government were operating to its injury, many of the inhabitants removed to other places.
The affairs of the church were apparently in a peaceable and prosperous condition after the conclusion of this troublesome affair. Nothing of importance occurred until the declining strength of the venerable pastor necessitated the settlement of a successor in the person of Mr. John Norton, in 1678. Mr. Hobart was now in his seventy-fifth year, and he had served this people faithfully, and with marked ability for over forty-three years.
VOL. 1.--2
The Life of Mr. Peter Hobart.
By Cotton Mather.
Mr. Peter Hobart was born at or near Hingham, a market town in the county of Norfolk, about the latter end of the year 1604. His parents were eminent for piety, and even from their youth "feared God above many;" wherein their zeal was more conspicuous by the impiety of the neighbourhood, among whom there were but three or four in the whole town that minded serious religion, and these were sufficiently maligned by the irreligious for their Puritanism. These parents of our Hobart were such as had obtained each other from the God of heaven, by Isaac-like prayers unto him, and such as afterwards "besieged Heaven" with a continual importunity for a blessing upon their children, whereof the second was this our Peter. This their son was, like another Samuel, from his infancy dedicated by them unto the ministry, and in order thereunto, sent betimes unto a grammar school; whereto, such was his desire of learning, that he went several miles on foot every morning, and by his early appearance there, still shamed the sloth of others. He went afterwards unto the free-school at Lyn, from whence, when he was by his master judged fit for it, he was admitted into a colledge in the University of Cambridge; where he remained, studied, profited, until he proceeded Batchellor of Arts; giving all along an example of sobriety, gravity, aversion from all vice, and inclination to the service of God.
Retiring then from the university, he taught a grammar school; but he lodged in the house of a conformist minister, who, though he were no friend unto Puritans, yet he employed this our young Hobart sometimes to preach for him; and when asked, "What his opinion of this young man was?" he said, "I do highly approve his abilities; he will make an able preacher, but I fear he will be too precise." When the time for it came he returned unto the university, and proceeded Master of Arts; but the rest of his time in England was attended with much unsettlement of his condition. He was employed here and there, as godly people could obtain permission from the parson of the parish, who upon any little disgust would recal that permission; and yet all this while, by the blessing of God upon his own diligence and discretion, and the frugality of his virtuous consort, he lived comfortably. The last place of his residence in England was in the town of Haverhil, where he was a lecturer, laborious and successful in the vineyard of our Lord.
His parents, his brethren, his sisters, had not, without a great affliction to him, embarked for New-England; but some more time after this, the cloud of prelatical impositions and persecutions grew so black upon him, that the solicitations of his friends obtained from him a resolution for New-England also, where he hoped for a more settled abode, which was most agreeable to his inclination.
Accordingly, in the summer of the year 1635, he took ship, with his wife and four children, and after a voyage by constant sickness rendered ---- tedious to him, he arrived at Charlestown, where he found his devoted relations got safe before him. Several towns now addressed him to become their minister; but he chose with his father's family and some other Christians to form a new plantation, which they called Hingham; and there gathering a church, he continued a faithful pastor and an able preacher for many years. And his old people at Haverhil indeed, in some time after, sent most importunate letters unto him, to invite his return for England; and he had certainly returned, if the letters had not so miscarried, that before his advice to them, there fell out some remarkable and invincible hindrances of his removal.
Not long after this, he had (as his own expression for it was) "his heart rent out of his breast," by the death of his consort; but his Christian, patient, and submissive resignation was rewarded by his marriage to a second, that proved a rich blessing unto him. His house was also edified and beautified with many children, on whom when he looked he would say sometimes with much thankfulness, "Behold, thus shall the man be blessed that telleth the Lord!" and for whom he employed many tears in his prayers to God, that they might be happy, and, like another Job, offered up his daily supplications.
His love to learning made him strive hard that his hopeful sons might not go without a learned education; and accordingly we find four or five of them wearing laurels in the catalogue of our graduates; and several of them are at this day worthy preachers of the gospel in our churches.
He was mostly a morning student, not meriting the name of Homo Lectissirans?, as he in the witty epigrammatist, from his long lying a bed; and yet he would improve the darkness of the evening also for solemn, fixed and illuminating meditations. He was much admired for well-studied sermons; and even in the midst of secular diversions and distractions, his ----- mind would be busie at providing materials for the composure of them. He much valued that rule, study standing; and until old age and weakness compelled him, he rarely would study sitting. . . . And when he had an opportunity to hear a sermon from any other minister, he did it with such a diligent and reverent attention, as made it manifest that he worshipped God in doing of it; and he was very careful to be present ---- at the beginning of the exercises, counting it a recreation to sit and wait for the worship of God.
Moreover, his heart was knit in a most sincere and hearty love towards ---- men, though they were not in all things of his own perswasion. He would admire the grace of God in good men, though they were of sentiments contrary unto his; and he would say, "I can carry them in my bosome;" nor was he by them otherwise respected.
There was deeply rooted in him a strong antipathy to all profanities, whereof he was a faithful reprover, both in publick and in private; and when his reproofs prevailed not, he would "weep in secret places."
Drinking to excess, and mispence of precious time in tipling or talking with vain persons, which he saw grown too common, was an evil so extremely offensive to him, that he would call it "sitting at meat in an idol's temple;" and when he saw that vanity grow upon the more high professors of religion, it was yet more distasteful to him, who in his own behaviour was a great example of temperance.
Pride, expressed in a gaiety and bravery of apparel, would also cause him with much compassion to address the young persons with whom he saw it budding, and advise them to correct it, with more care to adorn their souls with such things as were of great price before God; and here likewise his own example joined handsomeness with gravity, and a moderation that could not endure a show. But there was no sort of men from whom he more turned away than those who, under a pretence of zeal for church discipline, were very pragmatical in controversies, and furiously set upon having all things carried their way, which they would call "the rule," but at the same time were most insipid creatures, destitute of the "life and power of godliness" and perhaps immoral in their conversations. To these he would apply a saying of Mr. Cotton's, "that some men are all church and no Christ."
He was a person that met with many temptations and afflictions, which are better forgotten than remembered, but he was internally and is now eternally a gainer by them. It is remarked of the Patriarch Jacob that when he was a very old man, and much older than the most that lived after him, he complained, "Few and evil have been the days of the years of my life," in which complaint the few is explained by the evil. His days were winter-days, and spent in the darkness of sore calamity. Winter-days are twenty-four hours long as well as other days, yea, longer, if the equation of time should be mathematically considered, yet we count them the shorter days. Thus, although our Hobart lived unto old age, he might call his days few, because they had been evil. But "mark this perfect man, and behold this upright one; for the end of this man was peace." In the spring of the year 1670, he was visited with a sickness that seemed the "messenger of death;" but it was his humble desire that, by having his life prolonged a little further, he might see the education of his own younger children perfected, and bestow more labour also upon the conversion of the young people in his congregation. "I have travelled in the ministry in this place thirty-five years, and might it please God so far to lengthen out my days, as to make it up forty, I should not, I think desire any more." Now, the Lord heard this desire of his praying servant, and added no less than eight years more unto his days. The most part of which time, except the last three-quarters of a year, he was employed in the publick services of his ministry.
Being recovered from his illness, he proved that he did not flatter with his lips in the vows that he had made for his recovery, for he now set himself with great fervor to gather the children of his church under the saving wings of the Lord Jesus Christ, and in order thereunto he preached many pungent sermons on Eccl. xi. 9, 10, and Eccl. xii. 1, and used many other successful eudeavours.
Though his labours were not without success, yet the success was not so general and notable but that he would complain, "Alas, for the barrenness of my ministry!" And when he found his lungs decay by old age and fever, he would clap his hands on his breast, and say, "The bellows are burnt, the founder has melted in vain!" At length, infirmities grew so fast upon this painful servant of our Lord, that in the summer of the year 1678 he seemed apace drawing on to his end, but after some revivals he again got abroad; however, he seldom, if ever, preached after it, but only administered the sacraments. In this time his humility, and consequently all the other graces which God gives unto the humble, grew exceedingly and observably; and hence he took delight in hearing the commendations of other men, though sometimes they were so unwisely uttered as to carry ???? intentions unto himself, and he set himself particularly to put all ????; and honour upon the ministers that came in the time of his weakness to supply his place. After and under his confinement, the singing of ???? was an exercise wherein he took a particular delight, saying, "That it was the work of heaven, which he was willing to anticipate." But about eight weeks before his expiration, he did with his aged hand ordain a successor; which, when he had performed with much solemnity, ???ded afterwards with an assembly of ministers and other Christians at ????? house, joyfully sing the song of aged Simeon, "Thy servant now ????? thou depart in peace." He had now "nothing to do but to die," and he spent his hours accordingly in assiduous preparations, not without some dark intervals of temptation, but at last with "light arising in darkness" unto him. While his exteriour was decaying, his interiour was renewing every day, until the twentieth day of January, 1678, when he quietly and silently resigned his holy soul unto it faithful Creator.
Epitaphium
D. Petri Hobarti.
Ossa sub hoc Saxo Latitant, defossa Sepulchro, Spiritus in Cælo,carcere, missus agit.
Mr. Savage, the learned editor of "Winthrop's Journal," says of this mention of Mr. Hobart in the "Magnalia":--
As usual, Mather proves his kindness more than his accuracy; for he speaks of Hobart as having been a minister at Haverhill, in England, and without hesitation affirms that he was earnestly invited to return thither after he had been here some years. Hobart's own journal does not encourage such representation, and all other old writings in our Hingham uniformly claim the derivation of the pastor and flock from the village of the same name in Norfolk. This is probably a mere blunder, for the ecclesiastical historian, as he has sometimes been absurdly called, has repeated correctly some things, -- as that he was born in 1604 and died January, 1678-9. Mather says he took ship m the summer of 1635, when we know it was April; and he adds that, on arriving at Charlestown, he found his desired relations got safe there before him. But his father had been here nearly two years, and two of his brothers, at least, had less than one year, so that he, no doubt, had letters from them before leaving home. From Mather, too, we might be in doubt whether he had 'four or five' sons in the ministry, though the author had certainly inquired of one of them. Such is the customary laxness of the 'Magnalia.'"
Rev. John Norton, the second minister, was born in Ipswich about 1650, and was graduated at Harvard College in 1671, Chief-Justice Sewall being one of his classmates. He was ordained colleague pastor with Mr. Hobart, Nov. 27, 1678. Of Mr. Norton little is known. His ministry seems to have been for the most part quiet and peaceable. He is described as a man of amiable character, fervent piety, and religious zeal, a faithful and beloved pastor. Only one of his sermons was printed. This was an Election Sermon, delivered on May 26, 1708. Judge Sewall makes the following entry in his "Diary":--
"Midweek, May 26, 1708. Mr. Jno. Norton preaches a Flattering Sermon as to the Governour."
"May 27. I was with a Committee in the morn, . . . and so by God's good providence absent when Mr. Corwin and Cushing were order'd to Thank Mr. Norton for his sermon and desire a Copy."
Praise of Governor Dudley was distasteful to Judge Sewall, who was opposed to the policy of the Governor.
March 26, 1710, Judge Sewall "went to Hingham to Meeting, heard Mr. Norton from Psal. cxlv. 18. Setting forth the Propitiousness of God."
Mr. Norton died Oct. 3, 1716, in the sixty-sixth year of his age, and the thirty-eighth year of his ministry.
It was during the ministry of Mr. Norton that the first meeting-house became too small for the growing town, and a second house was erected.
The first meeting-house was built shortly after the gathering of the church in 1635. It was on the main street, on a hill in front of the present site of the Derby Academy. It was surrounded by a palisade erected in 1645 "to prevent any danger that may come into this town by any assault of the Indians," and was surmounted by a belfry with a bell. Around it upon the slope of the hill the dead were buried. The hill was removed in 1831, and the remains, which were disinterred by the removal, were buried within the old fort in the Hingham cemetery, and a monument erected over them by the town, bearing the inscription "To the first settlers of Hingham. Erected by the Town, 1839."
The first meeting-house was undoubtedly a rude structure, but there are indications that it was not wholly without ornament. For forty-five years it was the only house for public worship in the town.
Jan. 19, 1679-80, the town agreed to build a new meeting-house "with all convenient speed," and a committee was appointed to view the meeting-houses of other towns, for the purpose of ascertaining the dimensions of a building necessary to accommodate the inhabitants, and the probable expense. This committee were to report to the town at the next town-meeting in May following.
May 3, 1680, the Selectmen were directed to "carry on the business to effect about building a new meeting-house," and it was voted "to have the new meeting-house set up in the place where the old one doth now stand." On this last question the Town Records give the names of thirty-four persons voting in the affirmative, and eleven in the negative.
Aug 11, 1680, the dimensions of the house were fixed by the town as follows; length, 35 feet; breadth, 45 feet; and height of the posts "twenty, or one and twenty feet," with galleries on one side and at both ends.
May 2, 1681, the town approved of the action of the Selectmen on relation to the building of the new meeting-house, and the place where it was to be set. Thirty-seven persons dissented from this vote. These transactions were brought to the notice of the Governor, and the authority of the magistrates interposed.
The following are copies of papers in the State archives:--
Boston, May 16th, 1681.The Governor and Magistrates having considered the present motions in Hingham relating to the placing of a New meeting house, and also perceiving by Informationa of the Hond Wm. Stoughton and Joseph Dudley Esq. who were desired to view the place of the present House (which is judged to be inconvenient by them), do therefore hereby disallow of the setting up of a New meeting house either in the old place or in the plaine. And do further order that a new meeting of all persons in the Towne who have right to vote in such cases be speedily ordered at which it may be fairly voted where to place the new meeting house, and the Selectmen are hereby required to make a speedy returne of the number of votes to the Honored Governor.
Jno. Hull, pr order.Superscribed to the Selectmen
of Hingham, to be communicated
to the Towne.
At a Towne meeting holden at Hingham on the 24th day of May, 1681, Thomas Andrews was Chosen moderator of that meeting, and at the said meeting the vote passed by papers, with seventy-three hands for the new meeting house that is now building in Hingham to be set in the convenientest place in Captaine Hobart's land, next or nearest to Samuell Thaxter's house.
As Attest, Daniel Cushing, Towne Clarke.26 May, 1681.
The magistrate having Considered the Returne of the Selectmen of Hingham in refferenc to the voate for setting the meeting house there, Doe Approve of said vote and Judge meete, all Circumstances considered, that the new meeting house be errected accordingly in the convenientest place on Capt. Hubbards land neerest to Samuell Thaxter's house.
Past by ye Council, Edward Rawson, SecretaryAnd so, after a controversy of more than a year the location of the new house was settled. Immediate measures were taken to carry the votes of the town into effect. July 8, 1681, Capt. Joshua Hobart conveyed to the town by deed of gift the site for the meeting-house, which is the same upon which it now stands.
The frame of the meeting-house was raised on the 26th, 27th, and 28th days of July, 1681, and it was opened for public worship Jan. 8, 1681-82. It cost the town £430 and the old house, the necessary amount being raised by a rate which had been made in October, 1680.
There is a tradition that the site for the house was fixed on the Lower Plain, and that on the night preceding the day appointed for the raising of the frame it was carried to the spot where the house now stands; but there is no record of a vote of the town fixing the site on the Plain, and the story does not have a very plausible foundation.
After the death of Mr. Norton the parish was without a settled minister for a period of twenty months. During this interval Mr. Samuel Fisk and Mr. Thomas Prince were invited to take the office, but neither accepted the invitation. Towards the latter part of the year 1717 Mr. Ebenezer Gay preached as a candidate, and on Dec. 30, 1717, the church and congregation by their unanimous votes invited him to become their minister. Mr. Gay accepted the invitation, and was ordained June 11, 1718.
Mr. Gay was born in Dedham, Aug. 26, 1696.1 He was graduated from Harvard College in 1714, being one of a class of eleven members, of whom four were from Hingham.
At less than twenty-two years of age this remarkable man began his ministry here. "He was a burning and a shining light," and this people "rejoice in his light for a season;" his ministry falling short, by a few months only, of seventy years. He died on Sunday morning, March 8, 1787, when he was preparing for the services of the day, in the 91st year of his age. He received the degree of S. T. D. from Harvard College in 1785.
By Solomon Lincoln.
The Rev. Dr. Gay was the third minister of this my native town, and of the parish in which I was born and nurtured. Though he had passed away before I came upon the stage, I have had a good opportunity of exploring the best sources of information concerning him, and of gathering many traditionary reminiscences illustrative of his character.
Dr. Gay outlived two generations of his parishioners; and not one of those who was a member of the parish at the time of his birth, was living at his decease. Nor can I ascertain that a single individual who was an acting member at the time of his ordination survived him. More than three fourths of a century has elapsed since his decease, yet his memory is preserved fresh in the traditions of the generations who knew him long and well. I have known many persons who recollected him in his old age.
He was of about the middle size, of dignified and patriarchal appear- ance, and, if we can judge of his features as delineated by the pencil of Hazlitt, they were not particularly handsome. He had, however, in the recollection of those who knew him, a grave, yet benignant expression of countenance.
The Hon. Alden Bradford, in his Historical Sketch of Harvard Univerty, published in the American Quarterly Register, in May, 1837, states that he recollected seeing three venerable and learned men, -- Dr. Gay, Dr. Chauncy, and Dr. Appleton, -- pass through the college yard to the Library. "Dr. Gay and Dr. Chauncy were on a visit to Dr. Appleton, and they walked up to the chapel together, two being nearly ninety years old, and other, Dr. Chauncy, about eighty-three. It excited great attention at the time." Great intimacy existed between these three patriarchs during their long and useful lives. Chauncy and Gay died in the same year. Appleton's death took place almost about three years earlier. At the ordination of Mr. (afterwards Dr.) Simeon Howard, as pastor of the West Church, in Boston, Dr. Chauncy preached the Sermon, Dr. Gay gave the Charge, and Dr. Appleton presented the Fellowship of the Churches. They were often associated in similar services.
The earliest sermon of Dr. Gay's which was printed was delivered at the ordination of Rev. Joseph Green, at Barnstable, from Acts xiv. 15, -- "We are also men of like passions with you," -- which was much admired for its wise lessons, seasonable admonitions, and moving exhortations. His classmate (Foxcroft) accompanied its publication with a Prelatory Address "To the Reader," commending the sermon in the most affectionate terms. Towards the close of this most impressive discourse, we find the following passages in Dr. Gay's peculiar vein. Speaking of the candidate for ordination, Joseph Green, he says: "We trust that he will be a Joseph unto his Brethren, whom he is to feed with the Bread of Life, and that God sendeth him here to preserve their Souls from Perishing. The Lord make him a fruitful Bough, even a fruitful Bough by a well, grafted into the Tree of Life, and always Green, and flourishing in the courts of our God."
Dr. Gay was remarkable in the selection and application of the texts of his sermons. Having for a long time been unsuccessful in procuring a well of water on his homestead, he introduced the subject into his prayers, and also preached a sermon from Num. xxi. 17, "Then Israel sang this song. Spring up, O well, sing ye unto it." In I728 he delivered a lecture in his own pulpit "to bring Lot's wife to remembrance," from the text in Luke xvii. 32, "Remember Lot's wife," and entitled his very able and interesting lecture, "A Pillar of Salt to Season a Corrupt Age." The text of his sermon preached at the instalment of the Rev. Ezra Carpenter, at Keene, in 1753, was from Zech. ii. l, "I lift up mine eyes again, and looked, and behold a man with a measuring line in his hand."
Whatever may have been the theological views entertained by Dr. Gay in the early part of his ministry, it is well understood that he sympathized with the spirit of free inquiry, which gradually wrought a change in the opinions of many eminent divines, commencing about the middle of the last century.
In his Convention Sermon of 1746, he attributes dissensions among the clergy to "ministers so often choosing to insist upon the offensive pecularities of the party they had espoused, rather than upon the more mighty things in which we are all agreed."
He was opposed to creeds, or written Articles of Faith, proposed by men. He thus expresses himself, in 1751, in his sermon at the ordination of Rev. Jonathan Dorby, at Scituate: "And 'tis pity any man, at his entrance into the ministry, should, in his ordination vows, get a snare to his soul by subscribing, or any ways engaging to preach according to another rule of faith, creed, or confession, which is merely of human prescription or imposition."
He was a warm friend of the celebrated Dr. Mayhew, of Boston, whose biographer thinks the latter was indebted to Dr. Gay for the adoption of the "liberal and rational views" which he embraced.
President John Adams, in a letter to Dr. Morse, dated May 15, 1815, remarks as follows: "Sixty years ago my own minister, Rev. Lemuel Bryant, Dr. Jonathan Mayhew, of the West Church, in Boston, Rev. Mr. Shute, of Hingham, Rev. John Brown, of Cohasset, and perhaps equal to all, if not above all, Rev. Dr. Gay, of Hingham, were Unitarians."
By some, who fully understand the position of Dr. Gay after the middle of the last century, he has been claimed to have been the father of American Unitarianism. This must be conceded, that his discourses will be searched in vain, after that point of time, for any discussions of controversial theology, any advocacy of the peculiar doctrine regarded as orthodox, or the expression of any opinions at variance with those of his distinguished successor in the same pulpit, the Rev. Dr. Ware.
But I cannot leave Dr. Gay without adverting to his political opinions, for our traditionary information concerning them finely illustrates his character. He was opposed to the measures which preceded the American Revolution and Declaration of Independence. His sympathies were not with the Whigs. Yet, such was his discretion that he maintained his position at the head of a large and intelligent parish, comprising all shades of political opinion, but in the main Whigs, without alienating the affection of his people or impairing his usefulness. On one occasion he and his friend and neighbor, Dr. Shute, who was an ardent Whig, were invited to address the people in town-meeting on a political question, and they both succeeded so well that the town gave them a vote of thanks. Still, Dr. Gay's political sentiments were well understood, and were a cause of occasional uneasiness among his parishioners during the period of the Revolution. We have this anecdote from an authentic source: It was a part of the duty of the Committee of Correspondence, Inspection, and Safety to call upon suspected citizens, and those known to be loyalists, to demand a search for arms. It was proposed that the Committee should call upon Dr. Gay and demand his arms, probably not because they supposed he had any of which he would make improper use against the new government, but because the opportunity was a good one to give him a sort of official admonition that he held obnoxious sentiments, in which some of the most influential of his people did not share. That the thing to be done was a little aggravating did not take away the zest of doing it; it would have been ungenerous also, had there not been a very perfect accord between Dr. Gay and his parish, as pastor and people, on all subjects save politics. The Committee presented themselves before the Doctor, who received them in his study, standing, and with entire calmness and dignity, when he inquired of them, "What do you wish with me, gentlemen?"
"We have come, sir, in accordance with our duty as the Committee of Safety, to ask you what arms you have in the house."
He looked at them kindly, perhaps a little reproachfully, for a moment or two before answering, and then said, laying his hand upon a large Bible on the table by which he stood, "There, my friends, are my arms, and I trust to find them ever sufficient for me."
The Committee retired with some precipitation, discomfited by the dignified manner and implied rebuke of Dr. Gay, and the chairman was heard to say to his associates, as they passed out of the yard, "The old gentleman is always ready."
Notwithstanding the political opinions entertained by Dr. Gay, he found among the clergy who held opposite views his most ardent friends. The intercourse between him and the Rev. Dr. Sbute, of the Second Parish, who was a zealous Whig, was of the most friendly character, and he was on excellent terms with Mr. Smith, of Weymouth, the father of Mrs. John Adams, and Mr. Brown of Cohasset, who, at one time was chaplain to the troops in Nova Scotia, before the Revolution.
Dr. Gay's son, Jotham Gay, was a captain in the same department. The Doctor, in writing to Mr. Brown, says, "I wish you may visit Jotham and minister good instruction to him and his company, and furnish him with suitable sermons in print, or in your own very legible, if not very intelligible manuscripts, to read to his men, who are without a preacher, -- in the room of one, constitute Jotham curate."
I think I may safely say that New England could boast of few ministers during the last century who exerted a wider influence than Dr. Gay.
Many amusing and characteristic anecdotes are told of Dr. Gay. The following will illustrate his ready wit and humor.
During the Revolutionary War, a little before the time of the annual Thanksgiving, and when it was generally expected that there would be a great deficiency of the foreign fruits, as raisins, currants, etc., with which that festival had abounded, several English vessels laden with those productions were driven by a storm upon our coast, captured, and brought into Boston. Dr. Gay, who was considered a prudent loyalist, was accustomed on Thanksgiving Days to make mention in his prayer of the special blessings of the year. Such a token of Divine favor did not escape without due notice. Accordingly, in his Thanksgiving prayer, he gratefully acknowledged the unexpected bounty somewhat after this sort: "Oh Lord, who art the infinite Disposer of all things, who rulest the winds and the waves according to thy own good pleasure, we devoutly thank thee for the gracious interposition of thy Providence in wafting upon our shores so many of thy rich bounties, to make glad the dwellings of thy people on this joyful occasion." Shortly after its occurrence, some one repeated the Doctor's ejaculation to Samuel Adams, who, with his usual promptness and decision, exclaimed, "That is trimming with the Almighty."
Dr. Gay had, for some time, missed the hay from his barn, and was satisfied that it was stolen. With a view to detect the thief, Dr. Gay took a dark lantern and stationed himself near his barn. In due time a person whom he knew passed along into the barn, and quickly came out with as large a load of hay as he could carry upon his back. The Doctor, without saying a word, followed the thief took the candle out of his dark lantern, stuck it into the bundle of hay, and then retreated. In a moment the hay was in a light blaze, and the fellow, throwing it from him in utter consternation, ran away from his perishing booty. The Doctor kept the affair a secret, even from his own family, and within a day or two the thief came to him in great agitation, and told him he wished to confess to him a grievous sin, -- that he had been tempted to steal some of his hay, and as he was carrying it away the Almighty was so angry with him that he had sent fire from heaven, and set it to blazing upon his back. The Doctor agreed to forgive him on condition of his never repeating the offence.
A young minister having preached his first sermon in Dr. Gay's pulpit, and having, as he thought, done it with considerable eloquence, was anxious to obtain the approbation of his learned brother. "Tell me sincerely what you think of this first effort of mine." "I think it sensible and well written," replied Dr. Gay, "but another text would have been more appropriate." "What would you have selected, sir?" "When you preach it again, I would advise you to prefix this text, 'Alas, master, for it was borrowed.'"
On one occasion Dr. Barnes, of Scituate, preached for Dr. Gay, when he was at home to hear him. The manner of Dr. Barnes was exceedingly drawling, and when the services were concluded, and the two clergymen were on their way home, Dr. Gay said: "Dr. Barnes, your discourse was excellent, but you spoil all you say by your manner. Your method of drawling out your words is so intolerable that you put nearly all my people to sleep." To which frank testimony Dr. Barnes then and there made no reply. Now it happened that Dr. Gay had an unusually large mouth. In the afternoon Dr. Barnes again occupied the sacred desk, and after going through the preliminary services, -- putting the congregation, as usual, to sleep in the long prayer, he came to the sermon. "My text, my brethren," he said, "may be found in the eleventh verse of the fourth chapter of the Book of Exodus, and is in these words," -- he paused, and looking down over the high pulpit into the pew of Dr. Gay beneath, and upon the very top of Dr. Gay's head, he proceeded with a drawl more pronounced than ever, but with a manner most emphatic, "in these words: 'Who -- hath -- made -- man's -- mouth.'" Dr. Gay had no occasion then to complain of the drowsiness of his congregation, for they all woke up and audibly tittered.
The old Arminian and Calvinistic clergy, ere the bitter controversy broke out, used to meet and criticise, in a friendly way, each other's theology. In the same association met Dr. Gay and Dr. Dunbar, -- the former representing Arminianism, the latter Calvinism. It fell to the lot of Dr. Dunbar to preach before the Association. He felt moved to be very positive, and make a very distinct enunciation of Calvinism. With each of the five points he would bring down his fist upon the desk, with the exclamation, "This is the gospel!" First, total depravity was depicted, with the emphatic endorsement, "This is the gospel!? Then election and reprobation, then irresistible grace, then effectual calling, and so on to the end; and under each a tremendous sledge blow on the pulpit, with "This is the gospel!" After service the ministers met, and each in turn was asked by the moderator to give his views of the sermon. Dr. Gay had a sly, genial humor, which diffused good-nature through the clerical body he belonged to, and kept out of it the theological odium. His turn came to criticise the sermon, and he delivered himself in this way: --
"The sermon reminded me of the earliest efforts at painting. When the art was in its infancy, and the first rude drawings were made, they wrote the name of an animal under the figure which was drawn, so that the people could be sure to identify it. Under one rude figure you would see written, 'This is a horse;' under another, 'This is an ox;' and so on. When the art is perfected a little, this becomes unnecessary, and the animal is recognized without the underscript. I am greatly obliged to my brother Dunbar, in this infancy of the art, that he helped me in this way to identify the gospel. As I followed him through the five figures which he sketched for us, I must confess that unless he had written under each one of them, in large letters, 'This is the gospel!' I never should have known it."
The following is from an article in the Massachusetts Gazette, shortly after his decease:--
"His prudent and obliging conduct rendered him amiable and beloved as a neighbour. His tender feelings for the distressed induced him to afford relief to the poor, according to his ability. His beneficent actions indicated the practical sense he had of the Lord's own words, 'It is more blessed to give than to receive.' The serenity of his mind and evenness of his temper, under the infirmities of advanced years made him agreeable to his friends, and continued to the last the happiness which had so long subsisted in his family; in which he always presided with great tenderness and dignity."
Dr. Gay retained his mental faculties in a remarkable degree of vigor to the very close of his life. In his celebrated sermon, entitled "The Old Man's Calendar," delivered Aug. 26, 1781, from the text, "And now, lo, I am this day fourscore and five years old" (Joshua xiv. 10), in speaking of his parishioners he says, "I retain a grateful sense of the kindness (injuries I remember none) which I have received from them." This sermon was reprinted in England, translated into the Dutch language and published in Holland, and several editions were published in this country.
In a note attached to Rev. Peter Hobart's Diary, written by Nehemiah Hobart, we read:--
"The Revd Mr. Gay, the third pastor of the town, gave us an excellent sermon, Sept. 17th, 1735, on the conclusion of the first century, from 1 Chron. xxix. 15."
It was during the ministry of Dr. Gay that the East, or Second, Precinct was formed and a church established at Conohasset (now Cohasset).
In 1713 the proprietors of the undivided lands of Hingham gave their consent to the erection of a meeting-house by the inhabitants of Conohasset "on that land called the Plain."
At a town-meetng, March 7, 1714-15, the inhabitants of Conohasset "desired the town that they would be pleased to give their consent that they might be made a precinct, or that they might be allowed something out of the town treasury to help to maintain the worship of God amongst them, or that they might be abated that which they pay to the minister to maintain the worship of God at the Town; and the vote of the town passed in the negative concerning all the forementioned particulars."
This petition having been rejected, the inhabitants of Conohasset presented their case to the General Court, but the inhabitants of Hingham opposed their petition and a committee was chosen "to give answer to it" at the General Court in June, 1715.
In July, 1715, the town voted to remit to the inhabitants of Conohasset their ministerial taxes, on condition "that they provide an orthodox minister among themselves, provided they cheerfully accept of the same; "but the reply was made "that they could not cheerfully accept thereof."
In September, 1715, the town voted to reimburse to the inhabitants of Conohasset, or to those who should afterwards inhabit the first and second divisions of Conohasset uplands and the second part of the Third Division, all their ministerial and school taxes so long as they should maintain an orthodox minister among themselves, but this did not give satisfaction; and in March, 1715-16, the town voted to remit to them their ministerial and school taxes for that year, but even this was not satisfactory.
In November, 1716, a committee was chosen by the town to oppose the petition of the inhabitants of Conohasset before the General Court, and again in 1716-17 the town defeated a motion looking to an agreement with the inhabitants of Conohasset about a precinct.
In May, 1717, a committee was appointed by the town to meet the Committee of the General Court appointed to view the "lands and dwellings of the inhabitants of Conohasset [or Little Hingham, as it was also called], to see if it be convenient to make them a precinct; "and about this time the desired privileges of a separate parish, for which so long an effort had been made, were obtained, a house of worship was erected, and soon after a minister was settled.
In consequence of the creation of the Second Precinct, the remaining inhabitants of Hingham, not included within the limits of Conohasset, composed the First Parish or Precinct, and organized as such, March 6, 1720-21, succeeding to the parochial rights of the town.
Still another church was formed within the original limits of Hingham during the ministry of Dr. Gay. A meeting-house was erected at what is now South Hingham in 1742. This parish was set off March 25, 1745-46. This church was the "Third Church" until the establishment of Cohasset as a separate town in 1770, since which time it has been styled the "Second Church."
The second and third churches were not formed as separate organizations without the earnest protests of the parent church. Perhaps, like a fond mother, she could not bear the thought of trusting her children alone, separated from her protecting influence. But she could not restrain or control the independent determination of her children, and, in spite of all her opposition, they forced her to accede to their wishes.
Undoubtedly this sentimental view had much influence, but our ancestors were in a great degree matter-of-fact people, and there was a practical side to this opposition to the foundation of new parishes, which had more weight than any sentiment. All real estate within the territorial limits of a parish was in those days taxable for the support of preaching. Much of the real estate lying within the limits of the proposed Conohasset and South Parishes was originally granted to residents of the more thickly settled portion of the town, and had been inherited or purchased by those who would still remain residents of the First Parish; and naturally enough there was strong objection to being taxed for the support of preaching in parishes from which no direct benefit would be derived.
The fourth minister of the First Parish was Rev. Henry Ware. He was born in Sherborn, Mass., April 1, 1764, was graduated at Harvard College in 1785, and was ordained minister of the church and congregation Oct. 24, 1787. In 1805 he was chosen Hollis Professor of Divinity in Harvard University, and his request for a dismissal from his pastorate was granted. He delivered his valedictory discourse May 5, 1805, in the eighteenth year of his ministry. In 1806 he received the degree of S. T. D. from Harvard College. Dr. Ware died July 12, 1845. He was a man of liberal views, admirably adapted to follow up the sentiments of Dr. Gay in religious matters, of logical mind, sound judgment, and large attainments.
After the close of Dr. Ware's ministry, several candidates were heard. A majority of the Parish preferred Rev. Joseph Richardson, and he was invited to become the minister. The call was not unanimous. "Behold, there ariseth a little cloud, like a man's hand," and soon "the heaven was black with clouds and wind, and there was a great rain." There was great disaffection on the part of a large minority, and an eventual separation of those opposed to Mr. Richardson's settlement. The controversy has been described as the second "sad, uubrotherly contention" in the town; and it is certainly to be regretted that a more conciliatory spirit was not shown on both sides. At this distant day, more than three quarters of a century after this unfortunate event, we may look calmly and without prejudice upon the jealousies and unwise actions of our ancestors. Whether the differing sentiments and opinions of the members of the parish upon matters not pertaining to their spiritual welfare would have ultimately found some other cause for dissension, or whether the season was already ripe for action, of course, it is impossible to say. History, however, deals with facts and not opinions, and the statement of the cause of this unhappy difference must be confined to the fact that a large number of the members of the church and congregation found it impossible to continue their connection with their ancestral religious home under the ministrations of Mr. Richardson. The result was the formation of the "Third Congregational Society," which was incorporated Feb. 27, 1807. The effects of this separation were of long continued duration. The harmony of the town was disturbed in consequence of it. Happily the olive branch of peace was long since held out and accepted and we may well hope that the words of Scripture may find in this town no verification in "visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, and upon the children's children, unto the third and to the fourth generation."
Rev. Joseph Richardson, the fifth minister, was born in Billerica, Feb 1, 1778. He was graduated at Dartmouth College in 1802, and was ordained pastor July 2, 1808. During his ministry he filled various public offices. He was a member of the convention for the revision of the State Constitution, in 1820-21. He was a member, by repeated elections, of the Senate and House of Representatives of Massachusetts, and was elected to Congress for the term commencing March 4, 1827, and was re-elected for the term commencing March 4, 1829. He continued to perform his parochial duties until the spring of 1855, when, on account of increasing infirmities of age, his active ministry ceased, and Rev. Calvin Lincoln was, with Mr. Richardson's consent and approval, settled as associate pastor. Mr. Richardson's official connection with the parish ended with his death, Sept. 25, 1871, in the ninety-fourth year of his age, and the sixty-sixth of his ministry. Appropriate services were held in commemoration of the completion of the fiftieth year of his ministry, on which occasion Mr. Richardson delivered a discourse; and on Feb. 1, 1863, a sermon prepared by him was read by the associate pastor, from the text, "And now, lo, I am this day fourscore and five years old," (Josh. xiv. 10), -- the same as that selected by Dr. Gay as the text for his "Old Man's Calendar," preached at the same age from the same pulpit.
When about to build his house in Hingham, Mr. Richardson stipulated with the workmen that at the "raising," and during the building, no liquor should be used, as was the custom, agreeing to pay as much additional money as the cost of the liquor would amount to. From this incident he is spoken of by some as the "original prohibitionist" of the town.
Rev. Calvin Lincoln, the sixth minister, was a native of Hingham, and was born Oct. 27, 1799. He was graduated at Harvard College in 1820, was ordained over the First Parish in Fitchburg June 30, 1824. His pastoral connection was dissolved in Fitchburg May 5, 1855, and he was inducted as associate pastor of the First Parish in Hingham May 27, 1855. After the death of Mr. Richardson, Mr. Lincoln continued as sole pastor until his death, except during the three years 1877 to 1880, when Rev. Edward A. Horton was associate pastor with him.
Mr. Lincoln was a close student, and although he cannot be considered a brilliant pulpit orator, his preaching was marked by sound common-sense, and at times, especially in extempore speaking, he seemed to pour out his whole soul in the earnestness of his appeals. He was not inclined to controversy upon new theological questions, preferring to consider many points as already settled beyond dispute, but he nevertheless kept himself well informed upon all the signs of the times in which he lived. He was a welcome friend to all the denominations in the town, and few of our ministers have possessed in as great a degree as Mr. Lincoln the respect of the people of Hingham, without distinction.
Mr. Lincoln died Sept. 11, 1881, in the eighty-second year of his age, and the twenty-seventh of his ministry here. On Thursday, Sept. 8, 1881, the day appointed by the Governor for prayers for President Garfield, Mr. Lincoln, standing in front of the pulpit in the meeting-house, and while in the act of praying for the recovery of the wounded president, was stricken with paralysis, and died on the following Sunday morning.
Rev. Edward A. Horton, the seventh minister, was born in Springfield, Mass., Sept. 28, 1843. He was ordained at Leominster Oct. 1, 1868, where his pastoral connection was dissolved Oct. l, 1875. He was installed as associate pastor of this parish April 25, 1877. His pastoral connection was dissolved May 8, 1880, and he was installed pastor of the Second Church, Boston, May 24, 1880.
Rev. H. Price Collier, the eighth minister, was born in Davenport, Iowa, May 25, 1860. He was graduated at the Harvard Divinity School in 1882, and was ordained minister of this parish
VOL. 1. -- 3* Sept. 29, 1882. He resigned his pastorate Nov. 1, 1888, to accept a call from the "Church of the Savior," Brooklyn, NY.
March 10, 1890, the parish voted to invite Mr. Eugene R. Shippen, who was graduated at Harvard College in 1887 and at the Harvard Divinity School in 1890, but the invitation was not accepted.
Rev. John W. Day, the ninth and present minister was born in Woburn, Mass., June 13, 1861. He studied theology at the Meadville Theological School in 1881-82 and afterwards at the Harvard Divinity School, where he was graduated in 1885. He was ordained at Newport, Jan. 8, 1886, as minister of the Channing Memorial Church, and remained there until 1887. From 1887 until 1890 he was minister of the First Unitarian Society of Ithaca, N.Y. Oct. 1, 1890, he became minister of this pariah, the services of installation taking place Oct. 8, 1890.
Henry Smith . . . chosen Jan. 29, 1640. Removed to Rehoboth.
Ralph Woodward . " " " " d. 1663.
Thomas Loring . . . d. 166l
Thomas Thaxter . . d. 1654
Matthew Cushing . . d. 1660 . . . . æt. 71 yrs.
John Fearing . . . d. 1665
John Leavitt . . . d. 1691 . . . . æt. 83 yrs.}were the deacons when the
John Smith . . . . d. 1695 }new meeting-house was erected.
David Hobart . . . d. 1717 . . . . æt. 66 yrs.
Benjamin Lincoln . d. 1727 . . . . æt. 55 yrs.
Peter Jacob . . . . d. 1753 . . . . æt. 86 yrs.
Joshua Hersey . . . d. 1740 . . . . æt. 63 yrs.
Solomon Cushing . . d. 1769 . . . . æt. 77 yrs. Chosen before 1737.
Thomas Andrews . . d. 1784 . . . . æt. 86 yrs.
Josiah Lincoln . . d. 1774 . . . . æt. 74 yrs.
Joshua Hersey . . . d. 1784 . . . . æt. 80 yrs. Succeeded his father.
Benjamin Lincoln(Gen.)d. 1810 . . . æt. 77 yrs.}
Joseph Thaxter . . d. 1808 . . . . æt. 85 yrs.}Chosen Feb. 15, 1769.
Benjamin Cushing . d. 1812 . . . . æt. 87 yrs.}
Isaac Cushing . . . d. 1815 . . . . æt. 69 yrs.
Thomas Fearing . . d. 1820 . . . . æt. 70 yrs.
William Cushing . . d. 1848 . . . . æt. 94 yrs. Succeeded his father.
Caleb Hobart* . . . d. 1846 . . . . æt. 92 yrs.
David Lincoln . . . d. 1825 . . . . æt. 59 yrs.
Nehemiah Ripley . . d. 1863 . . . . æt. 83 yrs.
Caleb Hobart . . . d. 1865 . . . . æt. 82 yrs. Succeeded his father.
Originally a Puritan church, under the influence of Dr. Gay, with his spirit for free inquiry, the opinions of the people became less and less Calvinistic. The Trinitaran became Unitarian. It cannot be said that there was any fixed date of this change; it was gradual. When the Unitarians were acknowledged as a denomination, this parish was confessedly Unitarian and has continued as such to the present time. The same is true of the Cohasset and Second parishes already referred to. The Third Congregation ----(unreadable text)---- of the Unitarian denomination. There was not in this town any division of the churches on denominational lines, as was common in other places in the latter part of the last century.
The meeting-house of the First Parish, or the "Old Meeting-house" as it is now called, was built in 1681. Parts of the first meeting-house were used in the construction of the new one. Its antiquity makes it one of the principal objects of interest in Hingham. No house for public worship exists within the original limits of the United States, which continues to be used for the purpose for which it
was erected, and remaining on the same site where it was built, which is so old as the meeting-house of the First Parish in Hingham.
In 1780 it was enlarged, and again enlarged in 1755. In the latter year the present pulpit was built and placed nearly in its present position. Dr. Gay preached from it for the first time after it was built from Nehemiah viii. 4: "And Ezra the scribe stood upon a pulpit of wood which they had made for the purpose." In the same year the first pews were built, viz.: two rows of square pews all around the house, excepting the spaces occupied by the pulpit and the aisles leading from the porches. There was a pew in front of the pulpit known as the elders' pew or seat, and an enclosed seat or pew in front of the elders' pew, facing the broad aisle, for the deacons. The two latter pews were removed in 1828. The central space or body of the house was occupied by long oaken seats for the occupancy of males on one side of the broad aisle and of females on the other. These seats were removed from time to time, until the whole space was covered by pews. In 1799 five pews were built in the front of each side gallery, and in 1804 the same number in the rear of those first built, making twenty in all. At subsequent dates all the side gallery pews were removed and new pews built in their places, viz.: eight in the eastern gallery in 1854, the same number in the western gallery in 1855, and in 1857 four were built in the eastern, and four in the western, galleries. In 1859 four pews were built in the front gallery, and in 1868 four more had been built in the same gallery.
In 1822 stoves were introduced for the purpose of heating the house.
In 1869 the present new pews were built on the floor of the house, furnaces were introduced, and extensive repairs were made.
On the occasion of the reopening of the meeting-house, Sept. 8, 1869, appropriate services were held to commemorate the event.
In 1867 an organ was placed in the front gallery. Previously to this date for many years the choir had been accompanied by a flute, bass-viol, and other instruments at various times. In 1869, at the time of the general repairs, the location of the organ was changed to the platform on the easterly side of the pulpit, and in 1870 a new and larger organ was purchased. It is the one now in use.
The parish seal was adopted in 1869. It consists of a picture of the meeting-house in the centre, surrounded by an ornamental circular border, which is encircled by another, leaving a space between the two in which is the following:--
In 1870 the Parish received from Hon. Albert Fearing the gift of a lot of land adjoining its other land on the southerly side, "being a part of the land granted to Robert Peck, Teacher of the First Church in Hingham, in the year 1638," as the deed of the same recites.
Aug. 8, 1881, very interesting and impressive exercises were held in the meeting-house in commemoration of the 200th anniversary of the building of the house. Mr. Charles Eliot Norton, a lineal descendant of the second minister, during whose ministry it was built, delivered the principal address. At this time a tablet of brass, set in mahogany, was placed upon the wall on the westerly side of the pulpit, containing a list of the ministers, and a statement relating to the building of the meeting-house.
Jan. 8, 1882, a discourse was delivered by Rev. Edward A. Horton, on the occasion of the 200th anniversary of the opening of ----(unreadable text)---- house for public worship.
The Parish House, which stands on Main Street, nearly opposite the meeting-house was completed and dedicated March 20, 1891.
There being no vestry room or chapel connected with the meeting-house, the need had long been felt of a suitable building for the uses of the Sunday-school and other purposes connected with the religious and charitable work and social life of the parish. For fifteen or twenty years efforts had been made by those interested, with good success, to accumulate a fund sufficient for the erection of such a building. The Ladies' Benevolent Society connected with the parish, by means of fairs and entertainments, made substantial contributions to this fund; Rev. Calvin Lincoln, by his will, left to the parish a sum of money which could be used for the purpose; these with other amounts being invested from time to time increased by the accumulations of interest; money was subscribed for the purchase of the lot; and in due time this Parish House was built. Peabody & Stearns were the architects.
 COHASSET MEETING-HOUSE. | The difficulties attending the formation of this parish have already been stated. In what year a meeting-house was erected in Conohasset does not appear by the records. It was probably in 1713, possibly not, until after 1717, but certainly before 1721. Probably there was preaching in it before the settlement of the first pastor. Its dimensions were thirty-five by twenty-five feet, and it was situated on the Plain a little to the south of the present house. May 14, 1713, it was voted |
Many facts relating to the history of the Second Parish may be ordained from the valuable and interesting discourses delivered by the Rev. Jacob Flint, on thc completion of the first century of its existence.
Mr. Nehemiah Hobart, a grandson of the Rev. Peter Hobart, the first minister of Hingham, preached as a candidate from July 13 to Dec, 13, 1721, on which day he was ordained pastor, the church having been organized the day previous.
After his ordination Mr. Hobart wrote in his book of records:--
"O my soul, never dare to forget that day and the solemn charge I received therefrom, but be mindful of 2 Tim. iv. 1, 2, -- the preacher's text, -- that at the last day I may be able to say as in Acts xx. 26, 27. I take you to record this day, that I am pure from the blood of all men, for I have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of God.'"
The new society was weak in numbers, and their meeting-house was built in accordance with their means. It was small and plain.
At the formation of the church, Mr. Hobart drew up a covenant ending in these words: --
"We do, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, in the presence of God and the holy angels, explicitly and expressly covenant and bind ourselves in manner and form following, namely: We do give up ourselves to God, whose name alone is Jehovah, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. To God the Father, as our chief and only good; and unto our Lord. Jesus Christ, as our prophet, priest, and king, and only Mediator of the covenant of grace; and unto the Spirit of God, as our only sanctifier and comforter. And we do give up ourselves one unto another in the Lord, covenanting and promising to walk together as a church of Christ, in all ways, of his own institution, according to the prescriptions of his holy word, promising that with all tenderness and brotherly love, we will, with all faithfulhess, watch over each other's souls, and that we will freely yield up ourselves to the discipline and power of Christ in his church, and attend whatever ordinances Christ hath appointed and declared in his word; and wherein we fail and come short of duty, to wait upon him for pardon and remission, beseeching him to make our spirits steadfast in his covenant, and to own us as his church and covenant people forever. Amen."
Rev. Nehemiah Hobart was born in Hingham, April 27, 1697, and was graduated at Harvard College in 1714, in the same class with Rev. Ebenezer Gay.
In the call, settlement, and ministry of Mr. Hobart there was perfect harmony. There seems to have been no opposition to him on the part of any one in the parish. He was a "truly devout enlightened, and liberal divine," Between him and his neighbor, Dr. Gay, them was a warm sympathy and affection. He died May 31, 1740, in the forty-fourth year of his age, and the nine-teenth of his ministry, much lamented by his people.
The parish, says Mr. Flint, "lost no time, after the death of Mr. Hobart, before they took measures suitable to fill his place with another well-educated and respectable pastor; . . . but they did not immediately find one in whom they could unite." Finally, after hearing several candidates, Mr. John Fowle, of Charlestown, was ordained, not without a strong opposition, though with the ultimate consent of a number of the parish, Dec. 31, 1741. Mr. Fowle was graduated at Harvard College in 1732, and "was allowed, by good judges, to be a man of considerable genius, and handsome acquirements." He soon, unfortunately, developed "a most irritable nervous temperament, which rendered him unequal in his performances, and at times quite peevish and irregular." The number of those opposed to him increased, and his pastoral connection with the parish was dissolved in the fifth year of his ministry.
At this time the parish had so increased in numbers and material prosperity that the need was felt of a new and more commodious meeting-house. The work of building the same was commenced about the time of Mr. Fowle's dismissal, and in the ensuing year the house now standing was erected, at a cost of £1522 19s. 9d. The building was sixty feet by forty-five. On the northerly end of the roof was a belfry, and two flights of stairs leading to the galleries were on the inside. The front porch and the steeple were added at a later date.
Before the completion of the now meeting-house, several candidates were heard, and with great unanimity Mr. John Brown, a native of Haverhill, was invited to become the pastor. He was a graduate of Harvard College in 1741, and was ordained over the Second Parish Sept. 2, 1747.
The following anecdote is told of his settlement.
It is said there was one opposer only, whom Mr. Brown reconciled by a stroke of good humor. Calling to see the opposer, he inquired the cause of opposition. "I like your person and manners," said the opposer, "but your preaching, sir, I disapprove." "Then," said Mr. Brown, "we are agreed. My preaching I do not like very well myself; but how great the folly for you and l to set up our opinion against that of the whole parish." The opposer felt, or thought he felt, the folly, and was no longer opposed.
"The talents of Rev. John Brown were considerably more than ordinary. In a stately person he possessed a mind whose perceptions were quick and clear, and his sentiments were generally the result of just reflection. He thought for himself; and when he had formed his opinions, he uttered them with fearless freedom. Acquainted from childhood with the Holy Scriptures from them he formed his religions opinions. He believed the Son of God when he said, 'The Father is greater than I;' and although he believed that mankind was sinful, yet he did not attribute their sins to his immediate act who is the Author of all good Till advanced in life he was fond of social intercourse, and was able always to make society innocently cheerful." He served in one campaign as chaplain to a colonial regiment in Nova Scotia, and by his word and example, during the Revolutionary period, encouraged his fellow-citizens to maintain the struggle for liberty. He died in the sixty-seventh year of his age and the forty-fifth of his ministry. He preached until the last Sabbath of his life, and was buried in Cohasset.
It was during the ministry of Mr. Brown that Cohasset was set off from Hingham and incorporated as a town in 1770, and from that time the history of this parish ceases to be a part of the history of Hingham.
 SOUTH HINGHAM MEETING-HOUSE. | The Third Parish, in Hingham, was set off March 25, 1745, and a meeting-house had already been erected in 1742. It comprised the southerly portion of the town. There was much opposition in the town to the setting off of this as a separate parish and bitter controversies arose in consequence; but by persistent efforts the inhabitants |
On the church record we find: --
"Nov. 20, 1746. The church in the south parish, in Hingham, was embodied by the revd Nathanael Eelles, of Scituate, and the revd William Smith, of Weymouth."
And the covenant to which the members assented was the following: --
"We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, apprehending ourselves called of God into a sacred fellowship with one another in the profession and practice of the holy christian religion as a particular Church of the Lord Jesus Christ, do solemnly covenant with God and with one another as follows: --
"In the first place, We avouch the Lord this day to be our God, yielding ourselves to him to be his servants, and chusing him to be our portion forever.
"We give up ourselves unto that God, whose name alone is Jehovah, and is the Father, and the Son, and the holy Ghost, to be his people, to walk in his ways, and to keep his statutes, and his commandments and his judgments, and to hearken unto his voice. We declare our serious belief of the christian religion, as it is taught in the Bible, which we take for a perfect rule of faith, worship, and manners.
"We acknowledge the Lord Jesus Christ as the head of his people in the covenant of grace, and accept him as our prophet, priest, and king, and depend on him in the way which he hath prescribed for instruction, pardon, and eternal life.
"We profess our serious resolution to deny, as the grace of God teacheth us, all ungodliness and worldly lusts, and to live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world, to endeavor that our conversation may be such as becomes and adorns the gospel.
"We promise to walk together in all ways of holy communion as brethren in the family of Christ and children of our Father, who is in heaven, to keep the faith and observe the order of the gospel, chearfully to support and conscientiously to attend the public worship of God in all the instituted duties thereof; and to submit to the discipline of his kingdom, to watch over one another with christian tenderness and circumspection, to avoid sinful stumbling blocks and contentions, and to endeavor our mutual edification in holiness and comfort.
"Farthermore, We dedicate our offspring, with ourselves, unto the Lord, engaging to bring them up in his nurture and admonition, to serve him with our household, and command them to keep the way of the Lord; and, as far as in us lieth, to transmit the ordinances of Christ pure and entire to them who shall come after us.
"All this we do in the presence and fear of God, with a deep sense of our unworthiness to be admitted into covenant with him, and to enjoy the privilidges of the evangelical Church state, and our own insufficiency to perform the duties of it, and do therefore rely on and pray to the God of grace and peace, who brought again from the dead our Lord Jesus Christ, that great Shepherd of the Sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, to pardon our many sins and to ma